| The Most Excellent The Duke of Carrero Blanco GE |
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|---|---|
| 69th President of the Government of Spain | |
| In office June 9, 1973 – December 20, 1973 |
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| Vice President | Torcuato Fernández-Miranda |
| Preceded by | Francisco Franco |
| Succeeded by | Torcuato Fernández-Miranda |
| First Vice President of the Government | |
| In office 1967 – June 9, 1973 |
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| Preceded by | Agustín Muñoz Grandes |
| Succeeded by | Torcuato Fernández-Miranda |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Luis Carrero Blanco March 4, 1904 Santoña, Cantabria, Spain |
| Died | December 20, 1973 (aged 69) Madrid, Spain |
| Nationality | Spanish |
| Political party | Movimiento Nacional |
| Spouse(s) | María del Carmen Pichot y Villa |
| Religion | Roman Catholicism |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance | Spain |
| Service/branch | Navy |
| Rank | Admiral |
| Battles/wars | Rif War Spanish Civil War |
Don Luis Carrero Blanco, 1st Duke of Carrero Blanco, Grandee of Spain (4 March 1904 – 20 December 1973) was a Spanish admiral and long-time confidant of leader Francisco Franco.
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Luis Carrero Blanco entered the Escuela Naval Militar, the Spanish naval academy, in 1918 and participated in the Rif War of 1924–1926.
In 1929 he married María del Carmen Pichot y Villa, by whom he had five children.[1]
In July 1936, when the Spanish Civil War erupted, Carrero Blanco found himself behind the coalescing Republican line. Taking refuge in the embassy of Mexico and later that of France, he was able to sneak across the front and reach the Nationalist side in June 1937. Carrero Blanco then served in the Nationalist navy. After the Nationalist victory and subsequent installation of Generalísimo Francisco Franco as military dictator (Caudillo) of Spain, Carrero Blanco became one of his closest collaborators as well as chief of naval operations. He was said to be in opposition to Spain entering World War II on the side of the Axis powers, a notably different political position compared to some other Falangists. Carrero Blanco himself was a monarchist. Devoted to the Roman Catholic Church, he was close to Opus Dei.
With the infusion of American capital in the 1950s, the Franco regime's Falangist policies were liberalized, without relaxing authoritarian control. The Falange syndicalists resisted the economic opening of the regime to capitalistic influences, while the technocrats of Opus Dei "de-emphasized the role of the syndicates and favored increased competition as a means of achieving rapid economic growth. The technocrats prevailed, and members of Opus Dei assumed significant posts in Franco's 1957 cabinet" (U.S. Library of Congress). Carrero Blanco, without explicitly supporting political liberalization, aspired to economic integration with European markets. Carrero Blanco became a minister in Franco's regime in 1957.
Carrero Blanco was made vice-admiral (1963) and admiral in 1966; he held the post of vice-president of the state council from 1967 to 1973.
His political career reached its zenith on 8 June 1973 upon being named the Prime Minister of Spain and made a top deputy to Franco. It seemed as though it was only a matter of time before he would succeed the ailing dictator.
Within about six months of being named prime minister, Carrero Blanco was assassinated in Madrid by four Basque members of ETA, who carried out a bombing while he returned from Mass in a Dodge 3700. Since Carrero Blanco could have become the most powerful figure in Spain upon Franco's passing, his death was perhaps instrumental in the transition toward a democratic government in that country.
In his first speech to the Cortes on 12 February 1974, Carrero Blanco's successor, the new prime minister Carlos Arias Navarro, promised liberalizing reforms including the right to form political associations. Though he was denounced by hardliners within the regime, the transition had begun.
One of the members of the ETA cell who had assassinated Carrero Blanco was himself assassinated by a car bomb in the south of France on 21 December 1978 by a Spanish far-right group organized from inside the Navy (including one member of the CESID secret service, another one of the Servicio de Inteligencia Naval and the other belonging to the Alto Estado Mayor), which received assistance from former OAS member Jean-Pierre Cherid, former Triple A Argentine member José María Boccardo and Italian neofascist Mario Ricci, member of Avanguardia Nazionale. Argala, as the ETA member was known, was the only one who could identify the mysterious man who handed up to ETA Carrero Blanco's schedule and itinerary. According to Leonidas, a former member of the Spanish Army who participated to the bombing against Argala, "The explosives came from a US base. I don't remember with exactitude if it was from Torrejón or Rota, but I do know that the Americans did not know what for they would be used. It was a personal favor they made to Pedro el Marino" (aka Pedro Martínez) who provided the explosives. Argala's assassination was claimed by the Batallón Vasco Español (BVE). However, according to Leonidas, "BVE, ATE or "Triple A" are only labels of convenience used by the same group.[2]
He and his wife had five children:
| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by Francisco Franco Bahamonde |
President of the Government of Spain 1973 |
Succeeded by Torcuato Fernández-Miranda (acting) |
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